Hawzah News Agency- Commenting on the looting of French shops and goods during the widespread popular protests on the margins of the October 17, 2026 demonstrations in France, Stupia stressed that calling those involved "vandals" cannot alone explain the dimensions of these events. Understanding them, he said, requires examining the different motives of individuals, the historical background of street violence, the economic symbols targeted and the role of social media in organizing and rapidly moving protesters.
Looting: from political protest to individual opportunism
In an interview with the French outlet The Conversation, Stupia said what may be unprecedented in these events is the scale of destruction of private property and theft of goods — yet not all those who took part were necessarily affiliated with organized groups or specific political currents.
Citing previous research on political violence in France, he explained that the choice of targets in violent actions can be influenced by two factors: practical and technical constraints, and the militant culture of those involved.
He pointed to the experience of the 1970s in Italy and France, when some political activists used concepts such as "voluntary reduction" and "proletarian expropriation" to justify seizing essential goods and services. One famous example was the theft from the luxury Fauchon food store on the Place de la Madeleine in Paris in May 1970, when goods were distributed among slum dwellers and workers' residences.
However, he stressed that not all the October 17 looting can be considered politically motivated. The publication of videos of these actions on social media and the resale of some looted goods on websites are among the evidence that makes a uniform assessment of the perpetrators' motives difficult.
Capitalist symbols and differing targets
Stupia noted that some targets chosen during the October 17 events do not appear random, saying a number of the centers attacked are symbols of capitalism — including luxury stores, insurance companies, banks and multinational corporations.
Alongside these, some small local shops — including toy stores and video game shops — were also targeted, centers that are less commonly subjected to such actions. He added that since the rise of the anti-globalization movement, violence against property has at times been directed at symbols of capitalism, particularly multinational corporations. Yet such actions also occur alongside spontaneous behavior by groups with no specific political affiliation, who appear on the margins of protests with the aim of seizing goods.
Historical background of the 'vandal' label
Stupia discussed the history of the term "vandals" in analyzing French protests, noting that sociologist Gwénola Ricordeau was among the first researchers to study the phenomenon. In the 1990s — for example during the 1998 student movement — some young people were observed joining gatherings without supporting the protesters' demands, in order to destroy property or steal from individuals.
He explained that the presence of such individuals could stem from opportunism or a desire to escape the monotony of daily life — showing that violent behavior on the margins of protests does not necessarily stem from a common motive or a single political orientation. He also placed the phenomenon in the context of riots in France's suburbs and deprived neighborhoods that gradually expanded from the second half of the 1970s. The term "vandal" also received wide media coverage during France's 2005 riots, used to describe young people who attacked police, private property and public facilities — while the possible political meaning of their actions received less attention.
Social media and the difficulty of controlling protesters
Stupia highlighted the role of social media in recent developments, saying their use has changed since the 2000s. In the past, platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter were used alongside messaging tools; today, tools such as Snapchat and Telegram enable communications that are in some cases harder to track and examine due to the short lifespan of messages and restricted access.
Referring to the formation of public and private chat groups and narrower communication circles, he explained that these networks can enable rapid exchange of information and real-time support for protesters on the ground. In such conditions, individuals can move quickly and, through relatively confidential communications, appear in different locations and support one another — something that may make it difficult for French police to identify and suppress them.
According to the sociologist, the technical features of some networks and the account mechanisms used by protesters add to the complexity. He stressed that the combination of the speed of information exchange on social media and the rapid movement of protesters makes controlling these groups more difficult.
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